نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی
نویسنده
عضو هیأت علمی گروه ارتباط تصویری، دانشکدۀ هنرهای تجسمی دانشگاه هنر اصفهان
چکیده
کلیدواژهها
موضوعات
عنوان مقاله [English]
نویسنده [English]
“Nabard Mellat” (Battle of the Nation), the journal founded in 1940 and owned by Amir Abdullah Karbaschian, was supposed to be a non-political (literary, religious and moral) weekly magazine, in accordance with the license of the Press Commission of the Ministry of Interior; Nevertheless, it was more "aggressive and reckless" and "political and militant" than any other religious-moral journal of its time. “Nabard Mellat” was completely dependent on the Islamic-militant discourse of the Fadaeian Islam from at least 1940 to 1952, but after separating from the Fadaeian Community, it became the official organ of the "Khalq Party" and, despite its clear alignment with the government discourse, it more or less maintained its previous Islamic-Militant and Semi-Nationalist approach.
The “Fadaeian Islam Society” was founded in 1945 under the leadership of Seyyed Mojtabi Nawab Safavi. The discursive identity of this society -based on Islamic law (the central sign) and its superiority and rule (the main signs)- was a combination of Shiite teachings and revolutionary and anti-colonial tendencies. The Fadaeian Islam worked for a decade (until 1955) for the ideal of “establishing an Islamic state”. The unification of the Islamic world, the implementation of Shiite religious rulings and principles, the fight against religious deviations, the fight against corruption and poverty, the fight against Baha'is, followers of Kasravi and other religious heretical thinkers, the criticism of the religious authorities who abused their position, and the fight against the colonialism of the Western and Eastern blocs, the fight against communism and, to be more precise, the victory of Islam over global domination and arrogance were among the most important programs of the Fadaeian Islam. The “Khalq Party” was founded after the 1953 Iranian coup (the fall of the Mossadegh government) by Amir Abdullah Karbaschian and some members who had broken away from the Fadaeian Islam group. This party more or less preserved the central and main signifiers of the Fadaeian Islam group and the discursive articulation of this group in its discourse; however, in parallel with the opposition to some of the Fadaeian Islam actions and support for the monarchy, it exaggeratedly gave primacy to the signifier of the nation (the oppressed Muslim society of Iran) and the fight against foreign colonialism, in such a way that the Islamic-doctrinal discussions in this party's organization (the Nabard Mellat) were often pursued under the aforementioned quasi-nationalist themes.
This research, with the aim of studying the reflection of the discourse conflicts of the Fadayeian Islam and the Khalq Party in the press graphics of “Nabard Mellat”, seeks to answer the question of how the logo and graphics of the headlines and columns of the weekly “Nabard Mellat” have embodied the discursive conflicts between the Fadaeian Islam and the khalq Party with rival movements?
The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on some of the components of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis (articulation, conflict, provocation and displacement, otherness, highlighting, marginalization and Chain of equivalence). Information was collected through a library-documentary method and also through the purposeful observation and selection of images related to the topic; The qualitative analysis process in this article is based on the study of "the visual expression of about 60 images from the press graphics of the 1940s to 1955 issues of the weekly Nabrd Mellat” and its relationship to “the confrontational actions of the Fadaeian Islam and the khalq Party” and “the temporal-spatial conditions of the research area”.
Regarding the research results, the creators of this weekly magazine -in accordance with the equivalence of the two signifiers “Islam” and “Iran” and also the two signifiers “nation” and “Muslim” in the discourse of the Fadaeian Islam and the Khalq Party- considered themselves authorized to expand the chains of equivalence with the discourse identity of the society in various ways in order to attract the maximum audience. Therefore, in the logo of the Nabard Mellat, nationalist elements -like its name- were highlighted in favor of the Islamic-militant discourse, and its visual values were stimulated (adjusted or strengthened) during the time of rejection and suppression. Also, the graphics of headers of the Nabard Mellat, in terms of appearance and execution technique, were in line with the visual taste of Iranian society in the 1940s and 1950s (influenced by Western design practices): devoid of a visual identity unique to Islamic discourse.
کلیدواژهها [English]